Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine – Class Structure of the Revolutionary Party

 

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XIV. Class Structure of the Revolutionary Party

It is not  sufficient  to ensure  the  revolutionary  theoretical  structure  of the party;  this structure  must  conform  to the class structure.  The  revolutionary  party  in the  Palestinian field is the  party  of the classes of the revolution,  the workers  and  peasants  in  the  first  place.  When  the   party structure is  actually  based  on  these  classes,  then  we   are assured  of  the  steadfastness,  endurance  and  revolutionary capabilities  of the party  and the soundness of its positions. However, if the structure  of the party  and its basic leadership  is of the petit bourgeois class, then  this party,  regardless  of  its  commitment   to  scientific  socialism  will  reflect the properties  of this class as represented  by its vacillation and  hesitancy,  its  indecisive  positions  and  the  possibility of its  slackening  and  failure  to  stand  firm  in  the  face  of challenges.

True    assurance  as  to    revolutionary    organization  is based  on  the  deep  understanding   of  and  commitment   to scientific socialism in the first place, and on the essentially labour   and peasant  structure  of  the  party in  the   second place.

Such a class structure  of the  party  cannot  come about spontaneously, it requires  a  clear  view  and  an  effort   directed  in  accordance  with  this  view. Spontaneity  in  organization  leads  in  practice  to  the  preponderance  of  the  petit  bourgeoisie  by  virtue  of  the  effectiveness  of  this   class and  its   active interest    in  political    action  at  this    stage,  against  the  weakness  and  ineffectiveness  of  the  workers and  peasants  and  the  non-crystallisation  of  their  political and class consciousness.

The Popular  Front  as a political organization  does not at  present  conform  totally  with  the toiling and  proletarian class  structure  which constitutes  the  material  and  concrete guarantee  for  the  revolutionary  character  of  the organization, its steadfastness  and its ability  to go on with the revolution.

The   political  organization  of   the   Front   constitutes in  general  a  spontaneous extension  of  the  organization  of the Arab  Nationalist    Movement,    so that  the   petit  bourgeois structure  prevails  in it. The  continuation  of  spontaneous  growth  without  planned effort will result  in  confining our    organization  mainly   to Amman    and the  towns, with  some  subsidiary   extensions  to  the  rural  areas   and camps.

Our  organizational   programmes  must  aim  at  placing our  most  efficient  leading elements  in  the camps  and  villages, and  it is therefore  necessary  to carry  out  a comprehensive survey  of  the  rural  areas  and  camps  and  then   to concentrate   heavily  on  these  areas.  Also,  it  is  necessary to  pick  up  the  rising  young elements in  these  places  and to  build them  solidly  in  theory  and  organization  so   that most of our    leading  members    will have a   revolutionary class  allegiance. The   presence  of  hundreds   of  members and  leaders  in the towns while we have no connection  with many  villages or  with  some  camps and  labour  concentrations,  however few  these concentrations  may  be, indicates that  our    organizational  growth    continues  to  be   spontaneous,  that  our  revolutionary  view of  things  is  not   clear and  that  there    are  no  effectively  directed    revolutionary plans emanating  from  this  view. These  hundreds  of  members and leaders must be deployed effectively in accordance with an  organized  plan  to  penetrate  into  the  truly  revolutionary  concentrations   so  that  after  a  time  we  will   find ourselves  before  a  solid  political  organization   based   on the  poor,  the  toilers  and  the downtrodden   who  are  determined  to revolt, to  main in  their  revolution  and  to stand firm  in  the  face  of  every  challenge.  In  this  way  we   are assured  of the revolutionary  character  of our: organization, our political organization becoming a real support for the fighting  cadres,  providing  them  with  the  required  revolutionary combatants, furnishing  real protection  and effecting complete fusion  with them. Political  organization  based on the   petit   bourgeoisie   and   the   intellectuals  whose   roots do  not extend  to the  villages and  the  poor  urban  districts cannot provide the fighting cadres with the required combatants or constitute a protective support for the fighters. Furthermore, it may in fact become a  burden  on the fighting cadres, aiming through its connection with the armed struggle at  obtaining  moral  privileges, formalities  and  superior   positions  of  leadership,   besides  forcing  upon    the armed struggle the manifestation of personal and tactical conflicts  and  disputes  which  are  sometimes  concealed  behind verbal   conflicts having no  connection   with  actual fighting problems.

Naturally, it is not our intention  to have a political organization  which  is closed  in  the  face  of  the  petit   bourgeoisie,  but  to  have  an  organization  whose  basic  material comes  from  the  workers, the  peasants  and  the  poor  to ensure  the   organization’s   strength,   steadfastness,   discipline and  conscious  practical  direction  towards  the  battle   and fighting  problems. In this case such an  organization  is capable  of  mobilising  arid recruiting  within  its  ranks  the  revolutionary  sectors  of the  petit  bourgeoisie  without  falling victim to  its hesitancy,  vacillation,  indecisiveness  and  lack of application.

The  revolutionary  intellectuals  are  a  basic and  necessary  material  for  the  building of the  party  and  the  revolution. In defining revolutionary  forces in the underdeveloped countries,  modern socialist  thought  cites  the  workers,  peasants,  soldiers  and  revolutionary  intellectuals.  The  intellectuals  provide  the  revolution  with  a  clear  view, and   they are naturally the   material  through    which   political consciousness  passes  to  the  working  classes  as  well as the  capacity  for  administration, the  organization   of  things and planning  for  all  aspects of  action.  Consequently  the  presence  of  revolutionary   intellectuals  and  their  fusion  into the  structure  of the  party  is a basic matter.  However,  the intellectuals  role  in  the  building  of  the  party  and  in   the service of the  revolution  is contingent  upon  their  true coalescence with the masses, combatants and  revolutionary  action  and  their  acquisition,  through practice, of the   ability to stand firm and of the education connected  with the problems of action. The intellectuals’  presence in the party  outside the  range of practice  and  apart  from  the masses   and the fighting may expose the party to the manifestation  of verbiage  which is in conflict with the  real  problems of action. The intellectuals’  living among the downtrodden  masses  and  combatants,   their  willingness  to  learn  from  them as  much  as  they  teach  them,  their  ability  to  share   with them the same living circumstances, their intellectual modesty, their   establishment of comradely   relations   with  the combatants   and  the  poor  and  their  avoidance  of superior relations  and of  material   and  moral  privileges  constitute the  way  whereby  the  intellectuals  can  perform  their   part in  the  revolution,  and  the non-observance  or  non-exercise of these  matters  will  deprive  the intellectuals  of  all capacity for revolutionary action. The revolutionary combatant refuses  to  establish  superior  relations  with  anybody.  The aims of the revolution include equality, human dignity, cooperation  and  human  comradely  relations, and the organization  which prepares  itself for the leadership  of the revolution is expected to embody  this picture.

Our  second  strategic  line in  the  building  of  the  revolutionary  party  is to have the party  material  from  the class  of workers,    peasants,  toilers        and  revolutionary    intellectuals.  Naturally,  the  adoption  of  this  line is  not  sufficient to  ensure  this  picture.  A  long  period  of  hard  effort   lies before us in this direction. When our organization actually becomes  an  organization   of  workers,  poor  peasants    and toilers; when it actually becomes an organization of camps, villages and  poor  urban  districts, then  we may rest assured that  we have created  the solid  organization  which supplies the revolution with its requirements and provides it with protection  and  ability  to continue  and  take  a  firm  stand.

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