Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine – Forces of the Revolution on the World Level

 

Previous Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine | Next

VIII. Forces of the Revolution on the World Level

World imperialism at this time has circumstances and conditions which distinguish it from what it was in previous times, and is exercising the process of exploitation of peoples by new methods which differ from its old ones. On the other hand, the camp of the anti-imperialist forces has in respect of size and power, a new position and level which differ from those before the Second World War. The liberation movements of the world should realise the basic international facts which govern this period of history. The Palestine and Arab liberation movement does not move in a vacuum. It lives and fights in the midst of specific world circumstances which affect and react with it, and all this will determine our fate. The international ground on which national liberation movements move, has always been, and will remain, a basic factor in determining peoples’ destinies.

The First World War was a war among the imperialist capitalist powers themselves, and its object was to redistribute world markets among these powers. That war was an armed explosion of the conflicts among world capitalist blocs in their race for the exploitation and plunder of peoples’ wealth and for monopolising their markets. That war was not a revolutionary war waged by the working class in the progressive countries and by the enslaved peoples against the exploiting capitalists. The same applies to some degree to the Second World War. Consequently, conflicts among the colonialist capitalist powers were the principal manifestation on the world stage. The forces of revolution represented by the working class in the advanced countries and by the enslaved peoples, were not in a position to transform these wars into revolutionary wars which could place the basic conflict on the world level in its natural position between the exploiters and the exploited. However, the consequences of the Second World War and the events which followed in its wake, crystallized the world situation in a new form. The forces of colonialism concentrated and crystallised into one camp: the imperialist camp led by the United States in opposition to the camp of the socialist forces and persecuted peoples as the opposite pole in this struggle.

The Soviet Union came out victorious in this war, and the socialist camp expanded to include a number of East European countries. The enslaved peoples rose up in vindication of their right to freedom and progress, and the great Chinese Revolution led by Mao Tse Tung and the Chinese Communist Party triumphed. This series of events and developments was the concrete factor which led to the coalescence of all capitalist and imperialist forces during the few years following the Second World War. The traditional colonialist powers represented by Britain. France, Holland and Belgium laboured heavily under the War burdens, while Germany, Italy and Japan laboured heavily under the burdens of defeat, a situation which enabled U.S. capital to extend and penetrate into all these countries through the reconstruction process witnessed by Europe immediately after the Second World War.

All this had the effect of crystallising the imperialist picture and its basic features:

1. All colonialist capitalist forces gathered together in one camp, that of world imperialism, under the leadership of the United States.

2. The immense size of U.S. capital, its wide field of activity and its interconnection with European capital is the concrete basis for the unity of this camp and the unity of its interests, as it is also the concrete basis for the United States’ leadership of this camp.

3. Conflicts among the partners in this camp which have from time to time taken the form of a conflict between colonialism represented by Britain and France and neo-colonialism represented by the United States, have remained only partial in the face of the main conflict which all these colonialist forces have begun to confront in their struggle against the socialist camp and national liberation movements. Although this partial conflict between the United States on the one hand and Britain and France on the other has taken a prominent form – as was the case during the Tripartite Aggression (1956), or during the Algerian revolution, or in certain areas of Africa – yet it has generally continued to be governed by the more important and more serious conflict between imperialism and the forces of revolution.

4. The attempts of de Gaulle’s France to break out of this U.S. imperialist ring have not until now made any radical change in this picture.

5. The technical development and immense growth in the means of production and in the war industry have led to the strengthening of this camp’s positions as regards both its control of the world market and its ability to defend its own existence and interests.

We are naturally aware of the major conflicts and problems faced by the United States today in its internal conditions which are fraught with real crises from time to time, or in its inability to face a people’s movement as in the case of Vietnam, or in the aggravation from time to time of the conflicts existing between it and its allies. However, this side of the picture is complementary to the side of technical advance and production growth, and the picture is not complete unless the situation is viewed from both sides.

6. The U.S. today is endeavouring to maintain and defend its interests and to face the revolutionary camp with new techniques which differ from those used by colonialism in defending its interests by force and armies of occupation. This new technique is the basic feature of neo-colonialism.

The U.S. has established a series of pacts and defence treaties to face the socialist camp and to encircle it and limit its expansion, and also to neutralise national liberation movements. However, in addition to this policy of pacts, it follows an economic policy calculated to have local social forces participate in the profits derived from the exploitation of the people’s efforts so that these social forces, by benefiting from the existence of neo-colonialism, may become a bulwark behind which the U.S. can take refuge in defending its influence and interests. Moreover. By its neo-colonialist technique, the U.S. endeavours to contain national liberation movements through co-existence with these movements and the conditions created by them, and also through concessions which satisfy their national pride and assure them of some benefits, provided that its basic interests remain assured and protected. In addition to all this, it is attempting, through the threat of nuclear war, to force the Soviet Union to cease its support and backing of these peoples in their wars against colonialism so that it may defeat these peoples through local wars.

Neo-colonialism is making full use of its intelligence and colonialist experience in its long and continuous effort to maintain its existence, influence and interests.

7. Experience in Vietnam, Cuba and the Dominican Republic has shown that, in the event of failure of modern techniques in the colonisation of peoples, the U.S. will revert to armed force. invasion and the landing of armies to preserve its influence, markets and interests.

In its liberation march to recover its land and freedom, the Palestinian people today faces this unified imperialist camp with its technological superiority, its skill in fighting and neutralising revolutions, its ability to take over behind other forces, its readiness for direct confrontation whenever it feels that the forces behind which it takes cover are no longer capable of striking at peoples’ movements, and its endeavours to isolate national movements from the world revolutionary camp and neutralise the Soviet Union’s efforts through the threat of nuclear war.

The June war and what came before and after it are in reality nothing but a concrete manifestation of all this.

The U.S. tried to contain the Arab liberation movement, to bargain with it and to keep it from organic fusion with the world revolutionary camp. It then tried to undermine and destroy this movement through Israel and its military power, and later tried again to contain it while it was in a state of weakness. Today it is still trying through Israel, by providing it with all requisites of power, to keep this movement at its mercy in order to contain or destroy it.

To face this situation, the Palestinian and Arab liberation movement must: (1) have clarity of perspective; (2) mobilise all its forces; (3) produce political, economic and military programmes to ensure such mobilisation; (4) adopt the course of popular liberation war to overcome the enemy’s technological superiority; and (5) enter into full alliance with all revolutionary forces on the world level.

It is this effective alliance which ensures the creation of the camp whereby we and all enslaved and anti-imperialist forces will be able to find the force which is capable of defeating imperialism in spite of its points of strength at this stage.

Our first friends are the enslaved peoples who are suffering from imperialism and imperialist exploitation of their efforts and wealth, or who are living in the same danger represented by the U.S. today in attempting to impose its influence on rising peoples. The peoples of Africa, Asia and Latin America are daily suffering the life of wretchedness, poverty, ignorance and backwardness which is a result of colonialism and imperialism in their lives. The major conflict experienced by the world of today is the conflict between exploiting world imperialism on the one hand and these peoples and the socialist camp on the other. The alliance of the Palestinian and Arab national liberation movement with the liberation movement in Vietnam. the revolutionary situation in Cuba and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea and the national liberation movements in Asia, Africa and Latin America is only way to create the camp that is capable of facing and triumphing over the imperialist camp.

The Palestinian and Arab liberation movement in alliance with national liberation movements in all undeveloped and poor countries will, in facing world imperialism led by the U.S., find a strong ally to back its forces and augment its power of resistance. This ally is the People’s Republic of China which in reality is still facing the same U.S. peril that is attempting to encircle and isolate it and impede its growth.

The great People’s Republic of China, which is still experiencing the effects of underdevelopment caused by colonialism and imperialism, and which is still facing the same peril and the same contradictions. adopts this analysis of the basic international contradiction which governs the march of history at this stage, and consequently adopts the same revolutionary strategy of liberation followed by these peoples in facing colonialism. This strategic congruence creates the concrete ground for a revolutionary alliance which will place us in a better position to face and triumph over the enemy. The People’s Republic of China adopts the Palestinian Arab view in its analysis of Israel as an imperialist base which must be destroyed.

In spite of all the United States’ efforts to prevent the Soviet Union and the East European powers from coalescing with our liberation march, and although those powers adopt a position which is confined to preventing Israel from expanding its territory and extending its aggression but does not involve the roots and foundation of Israels aggressive existence, yet there is a contradiction between this position of the socialist camp and the Zionist and imperialist presence in our homeland. This contradiction creates a ground for alliance between us and these socialist powers and it is our duty to extend this ground through the extension of the Palestinian and Arab liberation movement and through its decisive clash with its enemies so that these powers will stand with our liberation movement until its conclusive end.

Imperialism and reactionary forces are today attempting to create a breach in the relations between the Palestinian and Arab national liberation movement and the Soviet Union and the powers of the socialist camp, and it is our duty through our vigilance to prevent imperialism from achieving this aim. Throughout the past period the Soviet Union has been a major supporter of the Arab masses in their fight against imperialism and all its projects and plans for our homeland.

Through all of these alliances we create the camp which will stand with us in our battle and will enable us to face the enemy camp.

Along with this series of basic revolutionary alliances we must also, through our fighting and political effort and through the clear nature of our struggle as one of national liberation, draw to our side all liberation forces in Europe, America and every part of the world.

With such strategy on the international level we can encircle Israel, Zionism and imperialism and mobilise revolutionary forces on the world level to stand with us the struggle.

This picture may seem imaginary in the light of the Palestinian and Arab liberation movement’s actual circumstances at the present stage, but persistent revolutionary action and the promotion of the liberation movement to the level of a true, steadfast and long-range revolution will ensure its crystallisation and actual materialisation. The translation of all these alliances will constitute not only sympathy but also the true, effective support from which we create the ability to stand firm and triumph.

This completes the chart of enemies and friends on the Palestinian, Arab and world levels. A clear view of this chart will eliminate from our minds any superficial views of the battle and will determine the dimensions, forces and general frame of the battle and its position in respect of the historical dialectical movement which governs this period of human history.

Previous Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine | Next