Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine – General Remarks


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XI. General Remarks

This  in general is  our  strategic  view of  the  liberation of  Palestine. The  Popular  Front  for  the  Liberation  of Palestine adopts  this strategy as a general guide of action. We must stress,  however, that  the  correctness  of any  theoretical  analysis  is contingent  upon  its  success on  the  field  of practical application.  It is only by revolutionary  experience that the scientific answer to, the correctness or incorrectness of any  political  theoretical  analysis  is given, and  no theoretical analytical  attempt  can  provide fully from  the outset a comprehensive    view of things. The    relation    between thought  and revolutionary    action   is  a  dialectical    one. Thought  directs  revolutionary  action  which in turn  produces  results,  situations   and  reactions  which  influence    the theoretical  view of  things.

On  this  basis, to the  extent   we stress these  strategic  lines as  a guide  to  our  action,  we at the same time  assert  that  we will not  understand  them   in fixed  static  forms.  The  experience  itself  will deepen   and crystallise  this  view, enrich  it  and  complete  it  in some  of its aspects.  It  will also develop  this  view and  may  modify some  of  its  aspects.  Such  a  view  of  this  strategy  is  the scientific  dialectical  view which  rejects  immobility  and  rigidity,  undertakes  criticism  and  self-criticism  from  time  to time,   benefits from    experience  and    establishes   between thought and  revolutionary action an  organic and  reactive link which enlarges   and deepens   thought so that it  will come to guide action in a more proper and more correct manner. Any other view is, in point of fact, idealistic and rigid, leading to failure.

Looking at it from another angle,  this strategy represents  a general view of the battle and its main trends and consequently does not stop at  many of the details, inter-links and sinuosities which will fill every phase of the battle and accompany each of its lines. For  instance, in our definition of the main line of conflict, we have not stopped at the lines of conflict which will exist and  react  among the enemy forces themselves, or  within the ranks of   the revolutionary forces. Thus our definition of Israel as  one of the enemy forces is not intended to convey a static picture of this force. Israel does not represent a homogeneous unity  within which there  is  no  room  for  conflict. There will be within Israel more than  one politico-social force  and  there will be conflict among these forces. The intensity of these conflicts may at  times rise or fall according the progress and phase of the battle. Although the conflict now   existing   within Israel   between the   so-called “hawks” and  “doves”  does not leave any appreciable effect on the image of the battle, yet the more radical conflicts within Israel. which are now dormant, may come out and gain in intensity   during coming   periods.   Similarly, when we say that  there is an organic connection between Israel  and imperialism we do not mean that  there are no latent partial conflicts between them. Moreover, we witness at  this time a  conflict between Israel and  the reactionary regime in Jordan  which sometimes considers its  conflict with the resistance to be less significant with regard to  it than its conflict with Israel. Also,  we witness  at this time the willingness of  the  Palestinian  bourgeoisie outside the occupied areas to financially support  the  resistance movement.

On the other side of the picture there will also be  a group  of  conflicts. The  picture  of  the  conflicts existing among the Palestinian armed organizations is clear at this time. Besides, the alliance between the Palestinian liberation movement and regional and Arab revolutionary action will not be entirely   smooth and   devoid of any   conflict. Furthermore, in our presentation of the popular liberation war formula as the revolutionary formula for confrontation with the  enemy, we must not  fail  to  remember the  fact that the conventional Arab armies of the national regimes will,  in  defending themselves as  well as  in  their  tactical attacks, play for a long time a military role which may at times appear  as  the  leading  role  on  the  stage  of events although  in  the  long-run, strategically, it  is  the  revolutionary force which will remain  behind Israel and  world imperialism until  radical national liberation is completed.

The  main line of conflict defined by this strategy is not a  straight  geometric line with two conflicting  forces standing on either side. It is in reality a crooked dialectical line on each side of which stands a group of allied forces co-existing under the shadow of this alliance. At times this alliance grows stronger and at other times the conflicts among them grow more pronounced so that the  picture becomes sometimes a mixed and interwoven image moving along the two sides of the main line of conflict. Inasmuch as it  is important  and  fundamental to  see at  every stage of  the  struggle the  accurate  and  detailed  picture   which will enable us to determine our tactical step in a scientific manner, it is equally important and fundamental that our detailed tactical view at each stage be guided by our long term strategic view. It is this strategic view which will enable us to lead and direct  the struggle and to avoid falling into  the  error  of  experimentation, impulsiveness, drifting behind  events or  reacting to  events instead  of  acting  to direct them.

In the light of this understanding, the Popular  Front for  the Liberation  of Palestine adopts  this politico-strategic analysis as a guide for its action in the liberation  war which the Front is facing and for which it is preparing.

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