Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine – Organization and Mobilisation of Palestinian Revolutionary Forces


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VI. Organization and Mobilisation of Palestinian Revolutionary Forces

What is the form of organization for the mobilisation of the forces of the revolution on the basis of this analysis? What is the form of the relations among these forces in the light of the existing Palestinian situation ? What is our concept of Palestinian national unity in the light of all this?

Political organization armed with the theory of scientific socialism is the highest form for the organization and mobilization of the working class forces on the greatest scale. This is a fact which has been made perfectly clear by all revolutionary experiences in this century. The experiences of China, Vietnam and Cuba, as well as the experience of October Revolution, all point to and confirm this fact. By clarifying and scientifically explaining the state of misery suffered by the working class, by revealing the process of exploitation of this class by imperialism and capitalism, by indicating the nature of the major conflict in which the communities of the present age are living on intemational and local levels, by explaining the motion of history and its trend, by defining the role of the working class and the importance of this role and by indicating the weapons possessed by this class, scientific socialist theory renders the working class conscious of its existence, conditions and future, thus permitting the mobilisation of the forces of this class on the greatest scale.

Scientific socialist ideology and world revolutionary experiences have indicated clearly how revolutionary political organization armed with a revolutionary theory – the theory of the working class – is the way to self-organization by the working class, the concentration of its forces, the consolidation of its potentialities and the definition of its strategy in its battle. If the experiences of the Palestinian and Arab national movement have not hitherto achieved success in confronting and triumphing over imperialism, Zionism, Israel and the forces of reaction, it is because they have not adopted this organization theory. The failure of political organizations in the Palestinian and Arab field does not constitute a condemnation of the political organization of parties in general, but rather a condemnation of a line of political organizations which have not been set up from the ideological class and organizational viewpoints on the basis of this theory and these experiences. The revolutionary promotion of the Palestinian national movement cannot rest on the condemnation of the idea of revolutionary political organization as a principle, and the only way before it, is to adopt the political organization the nature of which has been defined in the light of scientific socialist theory and past experiences.

This organizational form is the organizational framework for the concentration of the basic revolutionary force: the working class. Moreover it is this form which is capable during the stages of national liberation, as the major revolutionary experiences have proved, of mobilising the peasant forces and of concentrating them on the greatest scale.

Consequently, by adopting this form, we would have created the framework for the organization and mobilisation of the basic revolutionary classes represented by the workers and peasants.

But what about the petit bourgeoisie? According to our analysis, the petit bourgeoisie is also one of the forces of revolution. Can we mobilise it within this framework? If not, what is the organizational framework that would enable us to mobilise and concentrate all the revolutionary forces?

The Palestinian petit bourgeoisie will not, in its majority, enter into the organizational framework which rests on the basis of a political party organization armed with scientific socialist theory. The socialist thought of the revolution is not the thought of this class, and the strong, binding and disciplined party organization is not the organizational form in which it finds satisfaction. The petit bourgeoisie prefers to be bound by a general loose thought which does not go beyond general liberation slogans and by a political organization which does not impose on it demands beyond its capacity. Therefore it will not align itself within this frame but will address itself to other Palestinian organizations which do not clearly adopt scientific socialist theory and the revolutionary political party organization adhering to this theory. In the light of this, the complete organizational form which is capable of containing all the revolutionary forces, is the political party organization form adopting scientific socialism which is capable of mobilising the workers and peasants on the greatest scale, and which at the same time calls for the rise of a national front to achieve alliance between the workers and peasants -the basic classes and mainstay of the revolution – and the petit bourgeoisie as one of the forces of revolution.

This completes our picture of the revolutionary forces on the Palestinian level and the organizational form capable of mobilising them.

In our opinion, this is the form that is fully consistent with the scientific analysis of things and objectively concurs with the interest of the revolution. This form provides a clear view of the battle on the one hand and permits the greatest scale of mobilisation of the basic revolutionary forces on the other, at the same time ensuring the widest possible front to stand in the face of the enemy camp.

The wide national front proposed in the light of this picture is, in our opinion, the revolutionary realisation of Palestinian national unity. If Palestinian national unity is intended to mean the concentration of all revolutionary forces at the stage of democratic national liberation to stand in the face of the basic conflict with Israel, imperialism and reaction, then this is the form which serves this end. These three classes which meet within the frame of the front represent, even numerically, the overwhelming majority of the Palestinian people. The national unity which is advocated by some and which is intended to enable the traditional leaderships, the bourgeoisie and the forces of reaction to infiltrate into the ranks of the revolution, and is intended also to undermine the ideas of revolutionary political party organization and to obscure any clarity in the political thought of the revolution, is clearly against the interest of the revolution.

The foregoing clearly indicates the basic lines of our position with regard to the subject of relations among the Palestinian forces. These lines enable us to define our position with regard to all subjects and problems arising on this level and serve to clarify our position with regard to the existing picture of the Palestinian field and the direction in which we must exercise our efforts to establish objective relations among the forces and organizations of the Palestinian revolution.

1. We regard Palestinian national unity as a basic factor for the mobilisation of all forces of the revolution to confront the enemy camp, and on this basis we must take an effective position to achieve it.

2. The form of national unity is the rise of a front in which all classes of the revolution – workers, peasants and petit bourgeoisie – will be represented.

3. We must take action to mobilise the workers and peasants in one single revolutionary political organization armed with scientific socialist theory. On this basis we must effectively endeavour to unite all Palestinian leftist organizations which through contact and experience can be persuaded to adopt this analysis. ·

4. The petit bourgeoisie will not join this form of organization, which adheres to scientific socialism and strong political organization, but will join those Palestinian organizations which content themselves with general liberation slogans, avoiding clarity in thinking and class view and lead­ ing an organizational life which does not demand of it anything beyond its capacity. In other words, this class will fill “Fateh” and the Palestine Li­beration Organization (PLO) in the first place.

5. On this basis, and on the basis of our view of the main conflict and the nature of the stage, as well as the necessity of achieving that national unity which will group together all the forces of the revolution to stand in the face of Israel, we must work for the establishment of a national front with “Fateh” and the Palestine Liberation Organization which will provide the battle with the necessary class alliance on the one hand, and preserve that right of each to view and plan for the battle according to its class horizon on the other.

This is our view of the forces of the Palestinian revolution and the form of their mobilisation and concentration.

The form which we propose here for the relations among the basic Palestinian forces draws the general strategic line which will govern our course. It is obvious that in following the course indicated by this line we will meet many obstacles and complications which will require us tactically to define in each period, with as much detail as possible, a picture consistent with the nature of that period. and the nature of the conditions of the various Palestinian forces existing and active at any one time. However, it is this line which will govern such a definition in general.

Now, does our strategic thought about the Palestine liberation struggle stop at the frontiers of the Palestinian people and the Palestinian field?

If we remember the enemy camp and recall its size and nature, we will immediately realise that any strategic thinking about the Palestinian liberation struggle must cover the mobilisation of all forces of the revolution on the Arab and world levels, because it is only through such mobilisation and concentration that we can create the power capable of confronting Israel, Zionism, world imperialism and Arab reaction. The Palestinian revolution which is fused together with the Arab revolution and in alliance with world revolution is alone capable of achieving victory. To confine the Palestinian revolution within the limits of the Palestinian people would mean failure, if we remember the nature of the enemy alliance which we are facing.

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