Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine – Organizational Strategy

 

Part Two

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XII. Organizational Strategy

The  people’s  liberation  war  against  imperialism   with its technological superiority, its production and economic capabilities,  its long experience in colonising and exploiting peoples, suppressing their movement and neutralising their revolution  with  new techniques   which  are  developed   and adapted  according  to  the  circumstances  of  the  age cannot be  brought  into  existence  nor  can  it  continue  and  finally triumph in an automatic or spontaneous manner. The revolutionary  party  which  works for  the  generation  of  such wars and leads them to  victory is a condition  sine qua non for  any true  radical  revolution  in our  time. It  is the  party which  provides  a proper  view of  the  battle  and  determines its  strategy  and  tactics  in  the  light  of  its  objective   study of the forces involved in the  battle and the points of weakness or strength  in these  forces. It is the  party  which  provides the  battle  with its leadership  and furnishes  the frame within  which  all  the  potentialities  of  the  masses  will   be mobilised and directed to the winning of the war and the attainment  of the objective. In the light of this, party  matters (our understanding of the party, the bases of its construction, its class structure, its working technique, its institutions,  the  relations  governing  its  bases  and  leadership and  relations  between the party  and the  masses)  no longer  remain  of  secondary  importance.  Organizational  strategy here become an integral part of the strategy of the  battle and its view thereof. The theoretical discussion which has for some time been taking place between the revolutionary forces of Latin America (the Castroist parties) and the pro­ Soviet or  pro-Chinese communist parties  revolves primarily around matters pertaining to the structure of the revolutionary party which will lead the revolution.

The failure of leftist national parties and communist parties in the Arab world is the failure of these  parties themselves and  of their structure, formation  and  adopted strategies, and not of the principle of the party’s existence as a  condition for the revolutionary presence. The   proof is that no revolution in this century has succeeded  and continued in triumph, nor has any such revolution achieved radical change in the structure of society and  given new life to the masses without a  party to lead it  and  provide it  with the ideological and social class basis on  which  it rests and supports itself, so that  it is able to continue  to exist by virtue of its objective connection with it.

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