V. The Palestinian Bourgeoisie
The Palestinian bourgeoisie is essentially a business and banking bourgeoisie whose interests are interconnected among its members and are linked with the business and banking interests of imperialism. The wealth of this class is derived from brokerage transactions in foreign goods, insurance operations and banking business. Therefore, in the strategic field, this class is against the revolution which aims at putting an end to the existence of imperialism and its interests in our homeland, which means the destruction of its sources of wealth. Since our battle against Israel is at the same time a battle against imperialism, this class will stand by its own interests, that is, with imperialism against the revolution.
Naturally, this strategic analysis is not perfectly clear to all. It is also natural that it should be pervaded by tactical and temporary positions as well as by some exceptions, but this should not prevent us at any time from having a long-range strategic view of things and of the general picture.
On what scientific basis can it be said that all classes of the Palestinian people are among the forces of the revolution ? Our revolution today is an armed one. Are all classes of the Palestinian people among the forces of this armed revolution?
After 5 1une 1967 the young men of the camps and villages took up arms, hid in the mountains and fortified themselves in the cities. They directed their bullets against Israel and faced Israeli bullets with their bodies. At exactly the same time, the traditional bourgeois leaderships were receiving Sassoon, Dayan and other Israeli leaders to discuss with them the Palestinian set-up which Israel had planned for the purpose of liquidating the Palestine question thus achieving political triumph after having attained military victory. Thee attempts would have been successful had they not been foiled by the escalation of commando action. During that period the young men of the camps were giving death to, and receiving death from Israel, while the merchants on the West Bank were seeking to link their interests anew with the enemy state.
In view of all this. is it permissible for us to hear such slogans as “We are all commandos”, or “The Palestinian people with all its classes are taking part in the· armed struggle” or “No rich and no poor so long as we remain homeless,” without evaluating and criticising them and preventing their spread ?
The revolution is science and scientific thought looks for tangible facts. We will not be misled by deceptive mottoes and slogans which are at variance with the facts and which are launched by certain class forces in defence of their interests.
The Palestinian bourgeoisie which now lives in Palestine under Zionist occupation is not among the forces of the revolution although it has not manifestly associated itself with Israel and will in reality remain the class force through which the enemies will always try to defeat the revolution and stop it in the middle of the road.
The Palestinian bourgeoisie now living outside Palestine has at present no conflict of interests with commando action so long as this action at the present stage lives generally within certain specific theoretical, political and fighting horizons. It, therefore, sometimes supports commando action by giving a small portion of its surplus wealth, but we must expect that the revolutionary growth of the Palestinian national movement to the level where it manifestly clashes with imperialism will lead this bourgeoisie to take the stand which conforms to its class interests.
Of course we admit that certain sectors of this bourgeoisie may be an exception to this rule and that, by virtue of the special character of the Palestine question, they may remain on the side of the revolution and abstain from working against it, but such exceptions should not make us lose sight of the general law which will govern the position of this class vis-a-vis the revolution in general.
The principle which advocates the necessity of taking advantage of any force which may assist the revolution temporarily is a sound one, and so is the principle that the qualified leadership is that which mobilises the widest possible front to stand in the face of the main conflict. and we should act accordingly provided that we do not do so at the expense of the clarity of our political thought. Clear political thought is the only road leading to the recruitment and mobilisation of the true forces of the revolution. The recruitment and mobilisation of the true forces of the revolution in the light of clear scientific, political thought is the fundamental condition for success. For the success of the revolution, it is more important than all financial assistance if the price of this assistance is to be the dilution of our clear view of things.
In the light of this we may now visualise the forces of revolution on the Palestinian level as a whole.
The forces of the revolution are the workers and peasants – the inhabitants of the camps, villages and poor districts – in alliance with the Palestinian petit bourgeoisie which also constitutes a revolutionary force, in spite of the fact that such alliance carries with it an intellectual and strategic conflict which must be settled in favour of the worker’s leadership, thought and strategy, taking advantage, at least temporarily, of any sector of the Palestinian bourgeoisie without allowing such alliance any advantage to lead to any ambiguity in our view of the revolutionary forces and the clarity of their strategy and programmes.
The bourgeoisie numerically constitutes only a very small section of the community. It is a well-known fact that the bourgeoisie is one-half percent or one percent of the community. Moreover, this is not the class which takes up arms or is ready to fight and die in defence of the freedom of the country and the people. Consequently. any attempt to picture this class analysis of the forces of the revolution as leading to the dissipation of the nation’s forces and driving these forces into an internal conflict would be scientifically untrue. In the light of this analysis the revolution does not lose any effective fighting force: on the contrary, it gains clarity of view and a sound definition the positions of the forces. and places the poor classes face to face with their responsibilities in the leadership of the revolution, thus giving rise to a national battle in which the overwhelming majority of the masses of our people will stand in the face of Israel, imperialism and reaction under the leadership of the poor whom Israel , imperialism and reaction have reduced to a state of misery and poverty which they experience daily and which deprives them of their human character and life value.