Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine – Who Are Our Enemies section 2


Previous | Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine | Next

II. Who Are Our Enemies? (section 2)

(3) World Imperialism

World imperialism has its interests which it fights fiercely to defend and keep. These interests consist in robbing the riches of the underdeveloped countries by purchasing them at the lowest prices and then processing these riches and re-selling them at the highest prices in the markets of these same countries. By this operation the accumulate immense profits enabling them to increase their capital at the expense of the people’s poverty, deprivation and wretchedness. The Arab world possesses many resources, mainly petroleum, and constitutes a big consuming market for manufactured goods. Imperialism wants to maintain this situation to allow the process accumulation of imperialist wealth to continue on the one hand and our poverty to increase on the other. To this end, it is genuinely determined to crush any revolutionary movement which aims at freeing our country and people from this exploitation.

The revolutionary movement of the masses in the Arab World naturally aims at destroying Israel because Israel is a force which has usurped a portion of this world and is a great danger threatening other portions of it. Consequently, Israel cannot but fight to the end, any Palestinian or Arab revolutionary movement. Here imperialism finds itself in the best position in this part of the world, because through Israel it is able to fight the Arab revolutionary movement which aims at eliminating it from our homeland with Israel becoming the force and the base used by imperialism to protect its presence and defend its interests in our land. Such a situation creates an organic unity between Israel and the Zionist movement on the one hand and word imperialism on the other, because they are both interested in fighting the Palestinian and Arab national liberation movement. Thus the protection, reinforcement and support of Israel and the maintenance of its existence, are fundamental matters for the interests of world imperialism. This gives us a coherent picture of the enemy which clearly embraces Israel, the world Zionist movement and world imperialism.

Here also we want to stress that the addition of imperialism to our image of the enemy camp should not be regarded as an addition of mere words to our definition of the enemy, for it enters into the concrete picture we have of the enemy against whom we are waging this battle. Imperialism here means more arms, more support and more money for Israel. It means Phantom jets, atomic bomb secrets, and the building of an economy capable of facing the permanent blockade and state of war which we try to impose.

Here millions upon millions of West German marks and American dollars are converted into a concrete force which increases  Israeli strength  and should therefore be taken into account in our calculations for the battle.

Our enemy then is not Israel alone. It is Israel, Zionism, imperialism, and unless we have a clear scientific knowledge of our enemy we cannot hope to triumph over it. The opinion which attempts to “neutralise” the Palestinian question on the international level by contending; “Why not try to win America to our side in the battle instead of allowing it to remain on Israel’s side?” is an erroneous and dangerous opinion because it is unscientific, unrealistic and far from being accurate. It is dangerous because it camouflages the truth about the enemy facing us and leads to erroneous calculations during the battle.

Does our definition of the enemy stop at this limit? Are these all the forces which we are facing in the Palestine liberation battle?

Is this “all the enemy” facing us?

There is a fourth force which substantially stands on the side of the enemy camp and which we must view and define clearly.

(4) Arab Reaction represented by Feudalism and Capitalism.

Arab capitalism, whose interests are represented and defended by reactionary regimes in the Arab world, does not constitute an independent capitalist unit and is consequently unable to assume independent political positions. In point of fact, this capitalism represents weak branches of world capitalism which are interconnected with, and form an integral part of, the latter. The millionaires of the Arab world, including merchants, bankers, feudal lords, owners of large estates, kings, emirs and sheikhs, have in fact acquired their millions by virtue of their co-operation with world capitalism. They have amassed this wealth because they are commercial agents for goods produced by foreign capital, or secondary shareholders in foreign banking establishments or insurance companies, or they are sheikhs, emirs and kings at the head of regimes which defend and protect colonial interests and strike at any mass movement aiming at freeing our economy from this exploiting influence. Consequently, they cannot keep their millions unless our land remains a market for foreign goods and foreign investments, and unless the colonialists continue to plunder our oil and other resources, because this is the only way which enables them to acquire and keep their millions.

This means that, in a real liberation battle waged by the masses to destroy imperialist influence in our homeland, Arab reaction cannot but be on the side of its own interests, the continuation of which depends on the persistence of imperialism, and consequently cannot side with the masses.

These Arab reactionary forces – particularly the intelligent ones – may outwardly support superficial national movements with the object of using them to settle, to their own advantage, some of their side conflicts with Israel or with world imperialism, but in the end they are inevitably against any national liberation movement which aims at uprooting colonialism from our soil and building an independent economy which will serve the interests of the masses instead of going into the pickets of the few representing these reactionary forces.

The growth of the revolutionary mass movement means, in relation to these forces, the growth of the people’s authority which acts to destroy the authority of these forces. Therefore, whatever degree their conflicts with Israel and imperialism attain, they are at all times conscious of the fact that their main conflict is with the movement of the masses which seeks the complete destruction of their interests and authority.

The classification of Arab reaction as one of the forces of the enemy is of the utmost importance, because failure to recognize this fact means failure to have a clear view before us. In actual practice it means failure to take account of real bases and forces for the enemy camp which are living among us and are capable of playing a diversionary role which disguises the facts of the battle before the masses and which, when the opportunity arises, will take the revolution unawares and deal it a blow leading to defeat.

This then is the enemy camp which we are really facing in our battle for the liberation of Palestine. We cannot win this battle without a clear sight of all parties in this camp. In the light of the definition of these parties and our perception of the connections which bind them together, it becomes clear that our strongest enemy, the real and main enemy, is world imperialism, that Arab reaction is but one of its offshoots. and that Israel’s power lies in its being one of the bases of world imperialism which is providing it with all sources of power and converting it into a big military force possessing the technological superiority and the economy which enable it to survive in spite of the conditions under which it lives.

Thus the struggle for the liberation of Palestine, like any other liberation struggle in the world. becomes a struggle against world imperialism which is intent on plundering the wealth of the underdeveloped world and on keeping it a market for its goods. Naturally Israel – and the Zionist movement as well – have their own characteristics, but these characteristics must be viewed in the light of Israel’s organic link with imperialism.

Following the end of the First World War, the Palestinian feudal forces and bourgeoisie tried to picture the struggle as if the enemy was only the Zionist movement and the Jews in Palestine. and on the basis that British colonialism would act as a neutral force in this conflict. It was only later that the masses, through the national contingents that formed their vanguard, became aware that their real enemy was British colonialism which wanted to strengthen and support the Zionist movement in our country as a means of striking at the ambitions of the progressive masses.

Our people today are no longer in need of new experiments and improvised actions. In our struggle for the liberation of Palestine, we face primarily world imperialism, our battle is directed basically against it, against Israel which acts as its base and against the reactionary forces which are allied to it. We will not win the battle unless we have a clear knowledge of our enemy to ensure that our calculations for the battle are correct.

Any deficiency or lack of clarity in our view of the enemy camp with all its parties, contingents and alliances means a deficiency or lack of clarity in our ima gination of the level of revolutionary mobilisation which we must undertake to be able to confront such a camp and attain superiority over it in our battle.


In the light of all this the main features of the enemy facing us become clear :

1. Our enemy in the battle is Israel, Zionism, world imperialism and Arab reaction.

2. This enemy possesses technological superiority and definite superiority in production which naturally develops into military superiority and great fighting power.

3. In addition to all this, the enemy has long experience in facing the masses’ movement towards economic and political liberation and has the power to defeat such movement unless the masses possess that high degree of political consciousness which enables them to counteract all methods used by the neo-colonialists in trying to defeat revolutionary movements.

4. The nature of the battle in relation to this enemy’s principal military base represented by Israel is a life-or-death struggle which the political and military leadership inside Israel will endeavour to put up until the last breath.

This clear view of the enemy camp puts matters in the right perspective and eliminates any superficial view of the battle. It is this clear perspective which determines the time and place of the battle and the nature of the fight. In other words, it is this perspective which determines:

1. The importance of the revolutionary theory and revolutionary political thinking which is capable of mobilising all revolutionary forces to confront the enemy, to stand firm in this confrontation and to counteract all enemy measures to thwart and undermine revolutionary action.

2. The powerful political organization which is the vanguard of the forces of revolution in the struggle, armed with a stronger determination to win than the enemy’s determination to defend its existence and interests to the last breath.

3. The nature and size of the revolutionary alliances which must be recruited to confront the entire enemy camp.

4. The course of armed struggle taking the form of guerrilla warfare at first and developing in the direction of the protracted people’s liberation war which will ensure ultimate triumph over the enemy’s technological and military superiority.

It is the nature of the enemy which determines the nature of the confrontation. and here lies the danger of any superficial or unscientific look at the enemy camp and its main characteristics.

Previous | Strategy for the Liberation of Palestine | Next